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Response to Venerable Akuratiye Nanda's paper "An Analysis of Statements Issued by the Mahanayakas on the North-East Problem of Sri Lanka"
By Professor Chandra R. de Silva
Venerable Akuretiye Nanda has made a good content analysis of the statements of the Mahanayakas on the civil war in Sri Lanka between 1999 and April 2002. His analysis points out that the Mahanayakas take the view that
a) the conflict is due to terrorism
b) the LTTE is a terrorist organization
c) the right of the Sinhalese should be protected 1) resettlement in Jaffna (including new Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim settlements in Vavuniya, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi 2) rights of fishermen
d) Norway has supported Tamil Terrorism (P3)
e) oppose talks with LTTE (P3)
f) there is justifiable distrust of and revulsion against the acts of Velupillai Prabaharan who does not represent all Tamils (P9)
g) separatism and even a federal state are undesirable (possibility of invasion by a Tami State (P2)
h) the solution is the eradication of terrorism(P3)
If we accept that the Mahanayakas are an important factor in moulding public opinion in the south of Sri Lanka it is important to ask the question why the Mahanayakas have taken this stance and the corresponding question- have they changed their views?
a) Part of the answer lies in the belief held by the Mahanayakas and shared by many Sinhalese, that the LTTE was an organization that was inflexible in their objective of a separate state. Immediately when it became clear that the LTTE might work within a united Sri Lanka, the stance of the Mahanayakas became softer in response. Thus for example, when this was reported by government representatives to Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakkhita, Mahanayakaof Asgiriya in mid-January, 2002 the Mahanayaka was quoted as supporting autonomy for the Tamil people as long as they worked within a united country. Venerable Buddharakkhita was willing to support de-proscription of the LTTE if that organization came for unconditional talks.(1)
Two months later came the well-known press conference given by Velupillai Prabaharan on April 10 that seemed to indicate that the LTTE had not given up a separate state, would not disarm and wanted full control of the interim administration of a unified Northeastern province. Sinhala nationalist leaders immediately contacted the Mahanayakas.(2) who issued a statement on April 18, 2002 stating that
1) the Northern and Eastern Provinces( part of Kandyan Kingdom) should not be merged,
2) armed forces and police should not be withdrawn from the North and East,
3) the LTTE should not be de-proscribed and
4) there should be no interim administration of the North and East.
5) The government clearly engaged in a swift process of damage control and gave assurances to the Mahanayakas that any resolution would be on the basis of a united Sri Lanka.
This is the basis on which the Mahanayakas of Asgiriya and Malwatta Chapters of the Siyam Nikaya and the Mahanayakaof the Ramanna Nikaya and Uttarithara Mahanayakaof the Amarapura Nikaya made a statement from Japan in early June.(3) This statement is worth analysis because of the ways in which the stance of the Mahanayakas is verbalized. In many ways the Mahanayakas have not changed their objectives and analysis but they now state them in ways that are more open and conciliatory.
For instance, the LTTE are still characterized as 'rebels' - 'Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his Government is working very hard to end the Tamil rebellion through peaceful means.' However, they are no longer described as terrorists and this reflects the changed conditions since February 22, 2002.(4)
Secondly, the Mahanayakas point out that they are for peace. This is not a change of policy but unlike in the statements put before you by Venerable Nanda, their push for peace is articulated clearly and forcefully: "We support the ongoing peace efforts of the Government of Sri Lanka and will help to nurture support for these efforts across the political spectrum and across party lines -since there has been too much pain and suffering as a result of the war, the brunt of which has been borne by ordinary citizens, be they Sinhalese, Tamils or Muslims."
This brings me to the third nuance. While the Mahanayakas have spoken in the past about the rights of Tamils and Muslims, they have concentrated on the rights and sufferings of the Sinhalese. In contrast, this document is very balanced with Tamils and Muslims mentioned whenever the Sinhalese are referred to - the suffering in earlier times, the current free flow of civilians and the need to resettle internally displaced persons.
These factors bring me to the two themes that are particularly significant to the Mahanayakas as well as the sangha in general- unity and violence.
The Significance of Unity
The question of the unity of Sri Lanka is addressed in three of the statements in the appendix.(5) Threats to unity are regarded with a great deal of apprehension both by the Mahanayakas and the sangha as a whole.
Whatever the perceptions of outsiders, monks see themselves as very loosely organized in contrast, for example, to the Christian Churches of Sri Lanka. Each monk is a truth-seeker on an individual journey. Temple properties are owned not by the nikaya, but rather by the chief incumbents of temples. And while all nikayas have elaborate machinery to settle doctrinal and disciplinary matters, many monks view such machinery as somewhat ineffective. There is thus an understandable tendency to look back with some nostalgia to ancient Ceylon when "all the Bhikkhus in Ceylon, wherever they lived, owed ecclesiastical allegiance to the Mahavihara at Anuradhapura"(6) and when a Buddhist ruler enforced the decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals. Thus appeals for unity (eksathkama) have great resonance and there is a traditional suspicion of policies that are perceived as producing division and discord, both among the sangha and in the political system. If the cooperation of the Mahanayakas and the sangha is to be obtained for the peace process, this apprehension needs to be addressed.
The Significance of Violence
The question of violence has been addressed in four of the documents in the appendix.(7)
While some scholars argue that historically, Buddhists have justified violence in defense of religion,(8) as a rule, Buddhist monks have campaigned against violence. Indeed, compassion (metta) is at the basis of the Buddhist faith, including compassion towards enemies. In reality, however, it is difficult to expect Buddhist monks (or Christian priests) to be unconcerned about violence directed against them(9) and therefore once again, if we need the Mahanayakas and other Buddhist monks to be more receptive towards peace proposals, the effective reduction of violence would be an excellent first step.
Mahanayakas and the Sangha
Finally, let me return to the question of the rather loose organization of monks.(10) Despite the great influence of the Mahanayakas, there are other stands of opinion among Buddhist monks. Thus, while on the one hand, the Mahanayakas are currently speaking in one voice, there are some articulate groups of Buddhist monks who might put forward views that are more attuned to Sinhala nationalist groups. These range from monks like Venerable Elle Gunawansa (who has composed patriotic songs for the Sri Lanka forces) to more moderate organizations like the National Sangha Council that met on May 11, 2002 and decided to appeal to the government not to lift the proscription on the LTTE, to punish terrorists, to resettle all displaced persons and protect the rights of Sinhalese in the Northeast and protect all Buddhist archeological sites. They reflect some of the other issues that are of concern to the sangha but in the end, for the Mahanayakas and the sangha, the two crucial and initial concerns will be the assurance of political unity and the end to violence.
Annexure 1 [April 18, 2002]
Translation of a Memorandum Addressed to Her Excellency the President, The Prime Minister, The Leader of the Opposition, The Honourable Ministers, Members of Parliament, and the People of Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.
For the first time in our history, ominous signs threatening the break up of the 2500 year long unitary character of our motherland are already visible Therefore, we consider it our duty and responsibility to place before you the following facts for your earnest consideration.
We are conscious of the fact that successive governments during the last two decades adopted various strategies to rid our country of the menace of terrorism. We have also been carefully observing the peace efforts of the present Government. And, hitherto, we refrained from commenting on them partly because of our deep commitment to peace and partly because we felt it incumbent on our part to allow the new Government to translate its pledges into action.
Yet, in view of what transpired at Velupillai Prabhakaran's Press Conference on the 10th of April. It appears to us that the so-called peace process initiated with the MOU now in place is primarily aimed at the establishment of Eelam rather than achieving real peace. Hope of peace therefore has completely collapsed. In these circumstances, the LTTE is not interested in peace but in the establishment of a powerful Tamil state within the territory of Sri Lanka. This will be inevitable unless we resist it with all our might. And the failure to prevent it will result in the subjugation of the majority race by the minority Tamils and the extermination of the Sinhala race and the Buddha Sasana from this island. It is therefore the bounden duty of every member of the Maha Sangha and lay people to do their utmost to prevent the designs of the Tamil terrorists from becoming Eelam a reality.
We also wish to draw your especial attention to the following basic and non-negotiable conditions from the point of view of the Sinhala people:-
1. The existing ban on the LTTE as the most ruthless terrorist organization in the world should not be lifted under any circumstances
2. The Northern and the Eastern Provinces (the latter being part of the Kandyan Kingdom) should never be merged. (No referendum is necessary to determine this)
3 Security forces and Police stations should not be withdrawn from the North and East.
4. The Unitary character of the Constitution should be further strengthened and continued unaltered as it has always been.
5. A federal or quasi federal system or a confederacy is totally unacceptable to the overwhelming majority of people in this country and should never be established
6. We are equally opposed to the proposed Interim Administration for the Northern and Eastern Provinces as it paves the way for Tamil Eelam and we see that it has neither a legal basis nor justification.
Finally, we wish to reiterate that it must be the concern of every citizen who considers Sri Lanka as his/her motherland to extend a helping hand to preserve and protect our national sovereignty and territorial integrity and thus work towards an honourable peace to all sections of the people.
Sgd: Rambukvelle Sri Vipassi
Most Venerable MahanayakaThera of the Malvatta Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Udugama Sri Buddharakkhita
Most Venerable MahanayakaThera of the Asgiriya Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Madihe Pannasiha
Most Venerable Uttaritara MahanayakaThera of the Amarapura Nikaya
Sgd: Veveldeniye Medhalankara
Most Venerable MahanayakaThera of the Ramanna Maha Nikaya
Sgd: Bellana Sri Gnanawimala
Most Venerable MahanayakaThera of the Kotte Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd:Ambalangoda Sumangala
Most Venerable MahanayakaThera of the Amarapura Nikaya
Sgd: Ambanvelle Pannasekera
Venerable Anunayake Thera of the Malvatta Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Galagama Sri Atthadassi
Venerable Anunayaka Thera of the Asgiriya Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Alutgama Dhammananda
Venerable Nayaka Thera of the Malvatta Karaka Sabha
Sgd: Professor Warakave Dhammaloka
Secretary of the Asgiriya Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Urulewatte Dhammarakkhita
Deputy Secretary, Asgiriya Chapter of the Siam Nikaya
Sgd: Medagama Dhammananda
General Secretary, Lanka Bauddha Sanrakkshana Sabha
Sgd: Daranagama Kusaladhamma
Deputy Secretary, Jatika Sangha Sabha
Civil Society Organizations
Sgd: R. S. Wanasundara, Retired Judge of the Supreme Court
President, National Joint Committee
Sgd: Dr. Piyasena Dissanayake
General Secretary, Sinhala Jatika Sangamaya
Sgd: S. W. Walpita, Retired Judge of the Supreme Court
Chairman, Sinhala Commission
Sgd: T. Gamini Perera
President, Success, Colombo
Sgd: Y. W. Gunawardhana
President, Dharma Vijaya Foundation
Sgd: Priyanta Ratnayake
Secretary, Sinhala Veera Vidahana
Sgd: Indrani Devendra
Secretary, All Ceylon Buddhist Women's Association
Sgd: Wimala Somaratne
President, National Council of Buddhist Women
Sgd: Upatissa Karunaratne
President, Sasana Sevaka Samitiya, Maharagama
Translation certified correct by Dr Piyasena Dissanayake
General Secretary, National Joint Committee
(1) The Island, January 22, 2002, The Daily News, January 22, 2002. Return to text.(2) Among those who signed the statement were the General Secretary, Lanka Bauddha Sanrakkshana Sabha, Deputy Secretary, Jatika Sangha Sabha, President, National Joint Committee, General Secretary, Sinhala Jatika Sangamaya, Chairman, Sinhala Commission, President, Success, Colombo, President, Dharma Vijaya Foundation, Sinhala Veera Vidahana, Secretary, All Ceylon Buddhist Women's Association, President, National Council of Buddhist Women, and (1) the President, Sasana Sevaka Samitiya, Maharagama. Return to text.(3) See, The Daily News, June 5, 2002 Return to text.(4) The Maha Nayakas point out that 'The ongoing ceasefire has lasted for over four months now and has created a general sense of hope and renewal.' Return to text.(5) P2, P9 and P10 Return to text.(6) Walpola Rahula, History of Buddhism in Ceylon: The Anuradhapura Period (Colombo: 1956) p. 303. Return to text.(7) P1, P5, P9 & P10 Return to text.(8) See, Tessa Bartholomeuz, In Defense of the Dharma, London: Curzon, (forthcoming October 2002) Return to text.(9) LTTE attacks against Buddhist shrines and the massacres of Buddhist monks are well documented. Return to text.(10) On this see, C. R. de Silva and Tessa Bartholomeusz, The Role of the Sangha in the Reconciliation Process, Colombo, Marga Institute, 2001, pp. 13-19. Return to text.